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Seeds of Division: How Colonial Borders Still Fuel Violence in Eastern DRC

  • Writer: Lama Mugabo
    Lama Mugabo
  • Sep 25
  • 3 min read

By Lama Mugabo


September 13, 2025


Introduction


Colonialism did more than redraw maps — it planted seeds of division that have continued to grow long after the colonizers departed. These seeds took root in identity, borders, and politics; the violence in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) starkly illustrates that enduring legacy.


A family split by a line on a map


For generations, people moved, married, and traded across what are now national borders. Colonial powers carved up central Africa without consulting the people who lived there, separating communities and creating new nationalities almost overnight. Cousins, neighbors, and kin suddenly found themselves labeled “foreign” because an imperial pen had shifted a boundary. That balkanization didn’t erase social ties — it forced identities into artificial, fragile boxes.


Politics, refugees, and the making of a crisis


When national leaders exploited those boxes for political gain, the consequences were brutal. Alliances and rivalries between regional leaders — along with the arrival of armed factions and genocidaires fleeing Rwanda after 1994 — transformed eastern DRC into a crucible of instability. Hundreds of thousands were displaced, properties abandoned, and intercommunal relations poisoned. Mobutu’s ties with Rwanda’s leadership, the influx of armed Hutu factions post-genocide, and decades of weak governance contributed to a volatile mix. Meanwhile, eastern DRC’s extraordinary mineral wealth — a resource blessing turned curse — attracted predatory interests and funded armed groups instead of development.


When identity becomes a weapon


Today, over a hundred armed groups operate in eastern DRC, many entangled with political and economic interests in Kinshasa. Ethnic differences have been weaponized. Kinyarwanda-speaking communities straddle the Rwanda–DRC border; colonial boundaries separated peoples who share language and culture, and these cross-border ties have repeatedly been grounds for suspicion and exclusion.In South Kivu, the Banyamulenge — a long-established community in the hills of Mulenge who speak Kinyarwanda or Kirundi — are often portrayed as “foreign” and targeted for expulsion or worse. Nationalist rhetoric from some quarters (sometimes expressed by self-styled patriots, or “wazalendo”) promotes an exclusionary vision of belonging that treats certain communities differently based on ethnicity. This rhetoric demands that Tutsi-identifying people be sent “back” to Rwanda or Burundi, regardless of their deep roots in the DRC. Such scapegoating — driven by fear, greed, or political theater — escalates violence and undermines the rule of law. The recent controversy over the appointment of General Olivier Gasita to command a military region became a flashpoint: accusations about his origin sparked violent demonstrations and renewed calls for expulsions. Whether driven by genuine grievance or opportunism, these dynamics deepen mistrust and instability.


External interests and impunity


The DRC’s instability also benefits powerful external actors. When governance collapses, mineral extraction often continues under opaque arrangements that enrich elites and perpetuate conflict. The UN peacekeeping mission (MONUSCO) has been criticized for failing to protect civilians effectively; there are also contested allegations about unethical conduct linked to natural resources. Regardless of the veracity of every claim, the perception that outside actors profit while civilians suffer deepens cynicism and fuels further unrest. Why are regional bodies and the media not doing more to stop killings and spotlight the plight of targeted communities? How do we apply the lessons of Rwanda, 31 years on, to prevent the recurrence of mass violence? These are urgent questions for African and international actors alike.


What must change


This crisis is not merely the result of local grievances; it is the legacy of artificial borders and extractive systems that prioritize profit over people. If energy spent on one-week demonstrations and hate campaigns were redirected toward learning skills and building businesses, communities could begin to close economic gaps and reduce recruitment to militias. To move forward, we need:


a) Honest reckoning with history: teach and acknowledge how colonial borders and policies shaped today’s conflicts.


b) Regional cooperation: humane, workable approaches to cross-border communities, movement, and citizenship.


c) Stronger governance and accountability: reduce incentives for elites to sponsor armed groups; strengthen the rule of law and local institutions.


d) Economic solutions: ensure resource wealth benefits local communities, not just militias and elites.


e) Protection of minorities: immediate safeguards for targeted communities and credible investigations of abuses.


Conclusion


The wounds of colonialism did not heal themselves; they were compounded by post-colonial politics, refugee flows, and resource predation. Solving the crisis in eastern DRC requires African leadership that embraces regional cooperation, repairs historical injustices, and builds institutions that serve citizens rather than predatory interests. Only then can the seeds of division be uprooted and replaced with a politics of dignity, inclusion, and shared prosperity.

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